Lundi 22 Avril 2019  
 

N°124 - Quatrième trimestre 2018

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  S.E.M. / H.E. Howard H. Leach

The USA: Striking a New Global Balance

 

Since his reelection to a second term in office on 2 November 2004, President George W. Bush has made spreading freedom around the globe the top US foreign policy priority. The president’s key goals also include stabilizing Iraq, promoting reforms in the Arab world, and stepping up US involvement in Africa. At the end of his tenure, H.E. Howard H. Leach, the Ambassador of the United States of America to France, outlines the new American strategy two months after President Bush’s February 2005 European tour. Ambassador Leach also reminds our readers of the strategic importance of strong transatlantic ties, starting with the bonds between the United States and France.
 
 

This edition of “La Lettre Diplomatique,” with its focus on American diplomacy, appears at a timely moment, given the February visits to Europe of President Bush and Secretary of State Rice.   Even before his European travels, President Bush began his second term by reaching out to friends and allies on this side of the Atlantic. In a foreign policy speech at Halifax, Nova Scotia soon after his re-election, the President announced that his first overseas trip would be to Europe and indicated clearly his intention to focus on strengthening our European alliance.  

The President kept that promise in February. He traveled to Europe and met with President Chirac and with NATO and European Union heads of state in Brussels, with Chancellor Schroeder in Mainz, and Slovak Prime Minister Dzurinda and Russian President Putin in Bratislava.  

Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice’s visit earlier in February, and especially her speech in Paris, also underlined the importance the U.S. places on our partnership with Europe.   Both of these visits highlighted America’s appreciation for the transatlantic relationship and our continuing commitment to work together with our European allies on the common challenges and shared goals of our era.   

Our transatlantic alliance, through NATO and its Article 5 commitment to common defense, forms the basis for our mutual security. Our trade is crucial for the world’s economy.   Most importantly, the United States and Europe provide examples of economic and political liberties to those not yet fortunate enough to live in free societies that value fundamental human rights. The transatlantic relationship is essential to peace and prosperity in the world, and, as President Bush has said, no passing disagreement among governments can shake the foundations of that relationship.

 

Shared Transatlantic Values

Americans and Europeans share fundamental

values, forged in our common history and commitment to democracy, that guide our foreign policy. Our political systems are founded on the bedrock of respect for the dignity of the individual, and of the right of the people to choose their leaders in free and democratic elections.  

France, the birthplace of the “Rights of Man,” has been a leader in formulating and pursuing democratic ideals and values for more than two centuries. She is the oldest ally of the United States.

The United States and Europe faced some of the greatest challenges to freedom together on the European continent, and triumphed over totalitarian ideologies. All across Europe – especially here in France last year – we have comme-morated the 60th anniversaries and traced the path of the liberators of World War II, from the Normandy landings to the liberations of the concentration camps.

 

Common Goals

Dictatorial societies give rise to resentment and hopelessness, conditions that foster extremists and terrorists. The United States is committed to promoting freedom throughout the Broader Middle East, supporting democratic leaders and encouraging civil society to help make the transition to democracy.

Among the many goals shared by Americans and Europeans is that of peace in the Middle East. We agree the Israelis need to be able to live in peace, and the Palestinians deserve a representative government that can both respond to their needs and co-exist peacefully with Israel.  

Our shared commitment to democracy is evident in Lebanon today. The United States and France co-sponsored United Nations Security Council Resolution 1559 calling for a sovereign, independent and democratic Lebanon and the withdrawal of Syrian forces. We have jointly condemned the assassination of former Prime Minister Hariri, told Syria that it must end its occupation of the country, and have endorsed the need for free elections to be conducted without outside interference.    

In the broader Middle East region, Europeans and Americans share a commitment to Afghanistan, whose people are beginning to build a democracy. The NATO Alliance and individual nations, including France, are helping with Afghan police training, providing security, fighting the drug trade, assisting with judicial reform and aiding the construction of a civil society.

We are all concerned about nuclear proliferation and agree that, for the sake of peace and security, Iran must not develop nuclear weapons. The United States is working closely with France, the United Kingdom and Germany as they negotiate with the Iranian regime to convince it to relinquish its pursuit of nuclear arms.

The United States and Europe, as the leading demo-cratic regions of the world, have a common interest in the success of a free and democratic Iraq. Americans and some Europeans, but far from all, disagreed on the need to liberate Iraq two years ago but that page has now been turned. During President Bush’s February visit, the European Union and the United States issued a joint statement to “stand together in support of the Iraqi people and the new Iraq which will soon come into being” and committed themselves to providing and encouraging internatio-nal support for the country. Americans and Europeans are giving, and are promising to give more, political, economic and security assistance to the emerging democracy.

Even within Europe, we should remember, there are still emerging democracies, such as Ukraine. There, again, American and European governments had and have a shared goal: to see the Ukrainian people peacefully resolve the election crisis and to welcome Ukraine to the world of democracy.

Beyond regional foreign policy considerations, the transatlantic community also shares broad social and humanitarian values, and we aim to help improve the lives of those in developing nations. We all acknow-ledge the imperative to help when disasters, famine and disease strike, and we give generously to humanitarian causes. We are also collectively determined to promote development and to integrate poorer countries into the world’s economy. Together, we fund many worthwhile endeavors such as improving health care and education systems. We are striving to stop the tragedy of HIV/AIDS, which ravages families and societies.   We are also united by concern for the physical world that we all share, and we agree on the need to address the long-term challenge of global climate change.   Research and development of new technologies will allow us to slow the growth in global greenhouse gases and to encourage needed economic growth that is environmentally responsible. Collaborative projects in support of this goal are already underway between scientists on both our shores.

 

U.S.-French Cooperation

France’s membership in the United Nations Security Council, NATO, the European Union, the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe and other multilateral institutions makes it an important and influential actor on the global stage. The United States and France work cooperatively on serious problems around the world, and our common diplomatic dossier encompasses a range of foreign policy, commercial, military, law enforcement as well as scientific and educational issues.

The two countries are working on some of the most pressing foreign policy issues of our day. France and the United States co-sponsored UN Security Council Resolution 1559 on Lebanon in September 2004. During President Bush’s meeting with President Chirac in Brussels on February 21, the two leaders issued a joint statement condemning the assassination of former Prime Minister Hariri, supporting the United Nations investigation into the terrorist act and re-iterating support for a free, independent and democratic Lebanon.   France and the United States also cooperate in the Middle East and in our efforts to promote peace and democratic change there. Together, we have encouraged the Israelis and Palestinians to implement the roadmap and offered support for Prime Minister Sharon’s Gaza withdrawal plan and President Abbas’ efforts to reform Palestinian institutions. France and the United States will continue to press for Iranian compliance with the International Atomic Energy Agency resolutions and Non-Proliferation Treaty commitments and to urge Iran to permanently cease enrichment activities. Regarding China, given our shared military and human rights concerns, the United States will work with France, and the European Union as a whole, to continue to maintain restrictions on the sale of sensitive arms and technology to China.

Together, France and the United States also cooperate to prevent regional instability and to share responsibility in the Balkans, Africa and other conflict regions. The United States is currently working with France to increase indigenous African peacekeeping capacities and resolve conflicts. In Haiti, the U.S. and France provided major reconstruction assistance and contributed to the UN-authorized stabilization force. We worked, and are still working, to secure stability and strengthen democratic rule there.  

Economically, the United States’ main goal in our relationship with France is to ensure our countries remain open, competitive and welcoming of each other’s trade and investment.   Staff from our embassy, our consulates, and our other posts in France, will continue to lend support, advocacy and practical advice to U.S. firms pursuing trade and investment opportunities in France.   

France and the United States maintain vibrant, mutually beneficial and expanding economic ties. Every business day, the United States and France engage in approximately $1 billion in commercial transactions. American and French companies’ respective affiliates employ many of each other’s citizens. French investment in the United States generates 515,000 jobs for Americans, while U.S. investment in France provides 583,000 jobs.   Beyond our investment ties, the United States is France’s largest trading partner outside of Europe. France is the United States’ third largest trading partner within the European Union, after Germany and the United Kingdom. We trade in sectors such as tourism, education, finance, information technology and insurance, and in the aerospace industry, pharmaceuticals, medical and scientific equipment and machinery.  

It is not surprising in such a large and complex relationship, that some outstanding trade issues exist. The overwhelming bulk of transatlantic trade is, however, problem-free. This is not to lessen the importance of differences over subsidies for Airbus or customs rules, for example.

Additionally, we wish to work with France, as well as the European Union, to foster a more open environment for U.S. agricultural exports, among them safe and environmentally sound “biotech” foods. Seeking mutually acceptable solutions, American officials are working with EU counterparts on these and other issues in Brussels.   

Both countries share a number of economic and business-related challenges. The United States is interested in continuing to cooperate with the French go-vernment on developing a common strategy on how to combat piracy and sales of counterfeit goods.   Additionally, the United States will encourage France to use its influence within the European Union to gain EU support for further market liberalization in the economies of Central and Eastern Europe, a process in everyone’s best interests.  

On military and defense matters, our difficulties over Iraq have at times diverted our attention from excellent military-to-military cooperation in other areas between the U.S. and France and the U.S. and Europe. In Afghanistan, the Balkans, Haiti, the Horn of Africa and elsewhere in Africa, the U.S. and French militaries work closely together and enjoy mutual respect. We know that France has one of the most capable militaries in the world, and that about 34,000 French forces are deployed – either as permanent pre-sence or operational forces – outside of France.

The U.S. and France have been effective NATO allies for over half a century. The United State supports the European Union’s goal of a common security and defense policy that complements NATO. Bosnia is a recent example of NATO-EU cooperation. On December 2, 2004, NATO ended its nine-year stabilization and peacekeeping mission — SFOR — and the EU took over the peacekeeping mission, maintaining a commitment of some 600 French soldiers. In Kosovo, however, where the situation remains for the time being more dangerous, NATO remains in command. A French General, Yves Kermabon heads NATO’s KFOR Mission, which includes some 3,200 French soldiers. In Afghanistan, a French General, Jean-Louis Py, commanded NATO’s security assistance forces until this past February. France also contributes to the on-going military operation, Enduring Freedom, with Special Forces serving there for the past year.

The United States will continue to work closely with France to enhance NATO’s capabilities and to narrow the transatlantic defense capabilities gap. Together with our other security partners, we are also engaged on refocusing NATO’s efforts in Iraq, Afghanistan and the Middle East. We also share the desire to help Iraq build a stable and free future, and all of NATO’s 26 members have agreed to contribute to the Alliance’s mission to train Iraqi security forces.  

U.S.-French military cooperation extends to joint military exercises, joint training opportunities and exchanges of officers, who study — and build relationships — within our respective military academies and military staffs.

On matters of law enforcement and counter-terrorism, the United States and France cooperate in a variety of activities. Both countries participate in the Proliferation Security Initiative, and the U.S. will continue to work with France to foster nonproliferation aims. Our two countries recently concluded an agreement to increase container ship security measures in Marseille.   France has taken significant steps to bring its port security into compliance with International Maritime Organization standards, and our authorities are working closely to ensure maritime transportation security.

The United States wishes to maintain and to increase U.S.-French cooperation and capabilities to prevent terrorist activities so that we may protect our societies and interests from terrorist threats. We are working with France to block assets of terrorist organizations and isolate, diplomatically, states that sponsor terrorism.

We also pursue common law enforcement objectives, collaborating to stop trafficking in illegal drugs and trafficking in persons, especially women and children, for the purposes of sexual exploitation. We have just signed bilateral agreements to implement U.S.-EU extradition of persons charged with crimes, for example. We are also working with France to cooperate in halting corruption, money laundering and organized crime.   

In the domain of science and technology, our two countries share an increasingly robust relationship. France receives over 2,000 U.S. Government scientists and researchers each year, many of whom are joining forces with their French counterparts on nuclear engineering projects. Collaboration between U.S. and French biomedical researchers is at an all-time high. We promote complementary research in energy, space, nuclear, defense, environment and other high-technology sectors. The United States will continue to collaborate with French scientists on climate science and climate-friendly technologies and on a range of U.S. measures to address climate change. Even the next generation of scientists, French and American science students in some of our middle and high schools are sharing data and working on cooperative projects under the auspices of NASA’s Globe Program.

France and the United States also share a strong network of international educational exchanges.   There are over 13,000 American students studying or doing research in France this year and over 6,000 French students studying or doing research in the United States.   As the former Chairman of the Board of Regents of the University of California, I have met the directors of numerous American colleges and universities who have emphasized the important contributions of foreign students in their respective academic environments. Through educational exchange programs, participants forge lifelong friendships, and professional opportunities and partnerships that prove to be personally satisfying and to the long-term benefit to both our societies.

 

New Transatlantic Unity

The broad objective of U.S. foreign policy is to promote freedom and democracy. We believe they are the best foundations of stability and the best guarantors of our mutual interests for peace and security. With President Bush’s visit and his meetings with a range of European leaders, we have seen a renewed commitment, on both sides of the Atlantic, to strengthen our cooperation and friendship.  

As President Bush said in his Brussels speech on February 22, “Today, America and Europe face a moment of consequence and opportunity. Together we can once again set history on a hopeful course — away from poverty and despair, and toward development and the dignity of self-rule; away from resentment and violence, and toward justice and the peaceful settlement of differences. Seizing this moment requires idealism: we must see in every person the right and the capacity to live in freedom. Seizing this moment requires realism: we must act wisely and deliberately in the face of complex challenges. And seizing this moment also requires cooperation, because when Europe and America stand together, no problem can stand against us. As past debates fade, as great duties become clear, let us begin a new era of transatlantic unity.”  
  
  
Interview with H.E. Howard H. Leach,

the Ambassador of the United States to France

 
 
After underscoring the strategic importance of transatlantic ties, H.E. Howard H. Leach talks about other key US foreign policy goals that have attracted less attention, such as deepening US involvement in Africa and providing humanitarian assistance.
 

 

The Diplomatic Letter: President Bush has stated that he supports the creation of a Palestinian state and the withdrawal of Israel from the Gaza strip. How can the U.S. help promote a return to the negotiating table and find a solution within the framework of the Roadmap?

 

H.E. Howard H. Leach: The United States is deeply committed to establishing lasting peace in the Middle East, and President Bush has expressed his support for the creation of a Palestinian state. The U.S. remains the largest bilateral donor to the Palestinian people, and has offered Palestinians over $1 billion in assistance since 1993. America and Europe have a duty to make sure that the new gene-ration of Israelis and Palestinians grows up in an atmosphere that is no longer dominated by violence and hopelessness, and we are engaged at the highest levels of our government in that process. Speaking at the London Conference on March 1st, Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice expressed our optimism and hope for the region: “There is a consensus, in the Middle East and beyond, that before us today is the best chance for peace that we may see for years to come… We in the international community must encourage the Palestinians to advance democratic reforms.”

The U.S. and the EU are supporting practical ways to encourage and sustain democratic reforms across the Middle East, including programs with Palestinians. As President Bush said in his Brussels speech on February 22: “Only a democracy can serve the hopes of Palestinians, and make Israel secure, and raise the flag of a free Palestine.” Europe shares our vision of a democratic Palestinian state living side-by-side in peace with Israel. The European Union is a major participant in the Public Financial Management Reform Trust Fund established by the World Bank to continue improving management of public finances and the viability of Palestinian Authority institutions. The U.S. and EU also work together through the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA), and on food aid and food security through the World Food Program.

President Bush, in his February 2nd State of the Union address, pledged $350 million toward building a democratic Palestinian state, and $41 million has been provided as quick-impact funding to help Palestinian citizens get health care, enroll in higher education programs, and develop their nation’s economy. The U.S. has been working with Palestinians for some time through the Middle East Partnership Initiative and other programs to prepare Palestinian citizens to take part in democratic processes and economic reform.

The London Conference convened on March 1 by Prime Minister Tony Blair focused international attention on the reforms needed within the Palestinian Authority to improve the governance of the Palestinian people. We applaud the commitment and courage of Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas to take the necessary next steps.

 

T.D.L.: On a more general level, how does the U.S. intend to implement the plan to bring democracy to the “Greater Middle East?” Given the U.S. sanctions on Syria, how does the U.S. expect it to cooperate more towards regional stability?

 

H.E.H.H.L.: In his Whitehall, London, speech in November 2003, President Bush articulated his vision of a forward strategy for freedom in the Broader Middle East. He said that people in the Middle East, like people everywhere, deserve to live in freedom, deserve the benefit of democracy, and that the United States will support reformers and reform in the region. The President put it this way, « As we watch and encourage reforms in the region, we are mindful that modernization is not the same as westernization. Representative governments in the Middle East will reflect their own cultures. They will not, and should not, look like us. »

The U.S. view is that genuine democratic reforms and advances toward pluralistic, inclusive societies and open market economies will emerge from within the region in forms suitable to each country. There is no uniform, one-size-fits-all reform plan for all the countries in the Greater Middle East. The U.S. shares many of the perspectives set out by the European Union ten years ago through the Barcelona Process, and reiterated last year at the Munich Security Conference by Foreign Minister Joschka Fischer of Germany. Each nation will have to come to its own conclusions about the pace and the direction of change. Change cannot be imposed from the outside by anyone. One of the most important instruments for promoting reform in the region is the G-8’s Broader Middle East and North Africa Initiative (BMENA) agreed at the Sea Island Summit in June 2004. BMENA is based on a partnership between the G-8 and the countries of the region, to include governments, the business sector, and civil society. The U.S. also provides bilateral aid and assistance through the Middle East Partnership Initiative (MEPI), which seeks to promote reform in the four key pillars: political openness, economic liberalization, social advancement, and women’s rights.

As for Syria, we are proceeding multilaterally and bilaterally. United Nations Security Council Resolution 1559 obliges Syria to withdraw its military and security forces from Lebanon and calls for the disarming and disbanding of all armed groups in Lebanon, including Hezbollah. Syria’s support for terrorist groups such as Hezbollah and Hamas cannot continue. It is detrimental to the fragile peace process between Israelis and Palestinians and to the international effort to put an end to terrorism. The United States and France, in close collaboration, are urging Syria to follow the terms of Resolution 1559 and restore sovereignty to Lebanon. The United States has also taken bilateral action under the Syrian Accountability Act, in response to continued Syrian support for international terrorism, Syrian destabilization of Iraq, and Syrian domination of Lebanon. Syria is out of step with other countries in the region and continues to be used as a sanctuary for terrorist activities.  

 

T.D.L.: It has been nearly two years since the fall of Saddam Hussein’s regime and Iraq has entered into a new phase of transition with the prospect of transferring sovereignty to the Iraqi people. Following the January 30 elections, what are the long-term aspects of the political reconstruction of Iraq?

 

H.E.H.H.L.: The January 30 elections give the U.S., the international community, and most of all, the Iraqis themselves cause for optimism about democracy in Iraq. More than 8.5 million Iraqis defied threats of violence and terrorist attacks to cast their ballots in the country’s first open, multiparty democratic elections in more than half a century.  

This election is not the end of the Iraqi democratic process but the beginning. In mid-March, Iraq convened the first democratically elected Parliament in its modern history. Iraq’s new leaders, chosen by the people, will commence the work of daily political life including drafting a constitution, which will be put to a public referendum in October of this year. By this time next year, Iraqis will have a new national government and a new constitution.  

The reconstruction and stabilization of Iraq will depend foremost on the Iraqi people themselves, and will require persistence and patience and the broad support of the international community. It is an ambitious political agenda, but the new political leadership appears to be off to a promising start.

 

T.D.L.: What steps will the U.S. take to promote stabilization? The U.S. is still involved in 90% of the military operations in Iraq. How can the international community become involved in securing the country and allowing the progressive withdrawal of the American troops?

 

H.E.H.H.L.: The mandate of the Multinational Coalition Force in Iraq is governed by United Nations Security Council Resolution 1546, which says the Multinational Coalition Force will end upon the completion of the political process and the establishment of a constitutional government in Iraq, “unless requested earlier by the government of Iraq.” The coalition will respect the desires and wishes of the Iraqi government.

There is no timetable for the withdrawal of American troops from Iraq, but that does not mean that we wish our forces to stay there indefinitely. President Bush has stated emphatically that when the Iraqi forces are able to take full responsibility for the security of the people, American forces will be able to go home. The United States and our NATO allies are continuing to train the Iraqi Army and Police forces so that they can assume greater and greater responsibility for providing security to Iraq.  

Stabilization goes hand-in-hand with reconstruction and the United States and the EU are prepared to co-host an international conference to encourage further international efforts to rebuild Iraq. Complementing the United States extensive efforts to bring stability, security and prosperity to the people of Iraq, the EU and its member states pledged $1.4 billion of assistance at the October 2003 Madrid Donors Conference.

President Bush stated that “it is time for established democracies to give tangible political, economic and security assistance to the world’s newest democracy” and indeed this year, the EU pledged an additional $260 million for Iraq, for elections, private sector development, trade, investment, public services, jobs, democracy and rule of law. These are all areas the U.S. and EU have desi-gnated as priorities in order that this new democracy may grow and thrive. France is among the leading contributors to the new EU program to strengthen rule of law in Iraq, and has offered to train hundreds of Iraqi police and magistrates in France in coming months. This is separate from an earlier French offer to train some 1,500 Iraqi gendarmes in France and Qatar, a proposal for which we are still awaiting an Iraqi government response.

 

T.D.L.: Following the humanitarian catastrophe provoked by the tsunami in the Indian Ocean on December 26, 2004, the U.S. called for an “international humanitarian coalition” and provided considerable military and financial assistance to the area. According to you, can a warning system for the prevention of humanitarian crises be established?

 

H.E.H.H.L.: Even before the devastating losses were calculated after the December 2004 earthquake and tsunami in the Indian Ocean, consensus was building for the creation of an early warning system in the region to avert such a catastrophic loss of life. In the $950 million budget request for tsunami relief assistance that President Bush presented to Congress last month, $35 million has been earmarked for development of early warning systems. Of that amount, $23 million will be devoted to improving the existing warning systems in the Pacific Ocean and elsewhere; $12 million will be dedicated to enhancing early warning and disaster mitigation in the affected countries.

Many countries around the world have seismographic networks that monitor and record seismic waves. Many networks share their data openly with other networks and countries. In the United States, the Global Seismographic Network (GSN) – funded jointly by the U.S. National Science Foundation and the U.S. Geological Survey – has 137 stations distributed uniformly over the planet. The GSN cooperates with many international seismic networks, including networks operated by France, Japan and Australia.

 

T.D.L.: What exactly is the Millennium Challenge Account and what are the priorities of American aid to development?

 

H.E.H.H.L.: One of the lessons of development has been that foreign aid alone does not develop a country, although it can help. Development takes off when the country’s leadership puts in place policies to promote development, to attract repatriated capital and new foreign investment, and to support entrepreneurship.

In January 2004, Congress passed a « new compact for global development » in response to President Bush’s call for linking development assistance to developing nations to greater responsibility from the nations recei-ving such assistance. The President proposed a mechanism to implement this compact – the Millennium Challenge Account – in which development assistance would be provided to those countries that rule justly, invest in their people, and encourage economic freedom.

This year’s funding for the Millennium Challenge Account will make it the largest international assistance program since the post-World War II Marshall Plan. Seventeen countries are currently eligible for Millennium Challenge Account funding, and 13 others are « threshold » countries that show promise for becoming eligible for such funding. Between the eligible and threshold countries we have relationships or potential relationships with 30 countries – some 400 million people around the world!

 

T.D.L.: In light of the continuing conflicts in the Democratic Republic of Congo and the crisis in Darfur, how can the U.S. participate more actively in the stabilization?  

 

H.E.H.H.L.: More than three and a half million people have died as a result of deprivation and conflict in the eastern part of the Democratic Republic of Congo over the past six years. The Tripartite Joint Commission, composed of the Democratic Republic of Congo, Rwanda and Uganda, was created by the three countries in an agreement signed last October in Kigali. The United States’ goal is to facilitate cooperation among the three countries to resolve conflict in the Great Lakes, with particular attention to the problem of armed groups in eastern Congo. We are also consulting the United Nations and our European partners on the best ways to disarm militias in eastern Congo.

The United States supports the Comprehensive Peace Agreement in Sudan, which provides a sound basis for achieving stability and national unity throughout the country, particularly in Darfur and other areas still affected by conflict. The United States has urged both sides to implement the Agreement fully and rapidly, and to seize this opportunity to resolve the Darfur crisis.

The U.S. is committed to working closely with the international community to provide assistance and to promote peace, security and reconciliation in Sudan.   In 2004, the U.S.-drafted measure, UN Security Council Resolution 1556, provided for enforcement and imposed an arms embargo on the Jinjaweed militia. It also allowed humanitarian aid into the Darfur region and called for talks to resume with the dissident groups. The resolution was adopted by a vote of 13 to 0 at the United Nations Security Council. At the time, the U.S. Ambassador to the UN John Danforth outlined that the « purpose of this resolution is to relieve the suffering of Darfur, not punish Sudan… Indeed, the hope of my govern-ment, and I am sure, of every member of the council, is that Sudan fulfill its potential as a peaceful and stable nation, with diverse people living together in peace. »

Today, we have strengthened our U.S. diplomatic presence in Khartoum and will engage the Sudanese government on critical issues including Darfur, implementing the Comprehensive Peace Agreement, and delivering life-saving humanitarian aid to millions of Sudanese threatened by displacement and food shortages. We continue to be extremely concerned about the violence and atrocities in Darfur, and will not fully normalize relations with Sudan until the situation in Darfur is stabilized.

 

T.D.L.: More precisely, what concrete measures has the U.S. taken to provide assistance to the African continent?

 

H.E.H.H.L.: Through the “U.S.-Africa Partnership,” the United States works with African nations individually and collectively to help them meet their diverse needs. The United States is striving to bring peace and to help those nations of Africa that are committed to democracy, free enterprise, transparency and the rule of law.

A key goal of the “U.S.-Africa partnership” is helping African governments improve health, nutrition and literacy among their people. The United States contributed $47 million to the Initiative to End Hunger in Africa in 2004 to support the International Development Goal of cutting hunger in Africa in half by 2015. In the area of education, the Africa Education Initiative has provided 110,126 teachers with in-service training and 20,507 teachers with pre-service training. Under the five-year, $200 million Africa Education Initiative, more than 945,000 primary school children have benefited from improved learning environments.

The United States Department of Agriculture funds training workshops for government and non-government officials from over 30 sub-Saharan countries. These workshops impart the skills to enable them to negotiate effectively and increase their participation in global trade.

Africa is also a major beneficiary of President Bush’s five-year, $15 billion Emergency Plan for AIDS Relief, which was announced in January 2003.This represents the largest international health initiative in history by a government dedicated to a single disease. The United States invested $452 million in HIV vaccine research in 2004 and plans to spend an estimated $507 million in the current year. In 2004, Africa received $643 million in a dramatic increase in funds for prevention, care, and treatment activities. In 2005, this figure is expected to grow to $1 billion.

A growing consensus both in the U.S., in the EU and in Africa, is that open trade and international investment are the surest and fastest ways for Africa to make progress. For too many years, the world’s efforts to promote Africa’s development have been focused primarily on aid. Development aid is important, and President Bush has substantially increased aid to Africa, but encouraging political and economic reform across Africa by opening markets in the United States goes beyond aid and lays the foundation for real development.

The fourth AGOA (African Growth and Opportunity Act) Forum will be held in Dakar, Senegal in July 2005 and will be devoted to “Expanding and Diversifying Trade to Promote Growth.” AGOA nations are strengthening the rule of law, they are lowering trade barriers, they actively combat corruption, and do away with child labor. They set an important example for the entire continent, demonstrating that governments that respect individual rights and encourage the development of their markets are more likely to grow economically and achieve political stability.

Like all good partnerships, AGOA has been beneficial to all parties. Free trade between the United States and sub-Sahara Africa has created jobs, wealth, and opportunity on both continents. Since its enactment in 2000, AGOA has generated over $340 million in investment and created thousands of jobs.

 

T.D.L.: In your opinion, what was the impact of President Bush’s visit to Europe last month on rehabilitating the transatlantic relationship?

 

H.E.H.H.L.: President Bush, during his February visit to Europe said: “We do not accept a false caricature that divides the Western world between an idealistic United States and a cynical Europe. America and Europe are the pillars of the free world. We share the same belief in freedom and the rights of every individual, and we are working together across the globe to advance our common interests and common values.”

Since the end of World War II, the United States has strongly supported European unity as the best path to European peace and prosperity. A Europe whole, free, and at peace was the central goal of U.S. foreign policy for the better part of the 20th century. We believe that strong ties between America and Europe are essential to peace and the prosperity of the world.

The relationship of France and the United States is large and complex. The political relationship between our two countries was strained recently over differences on how to deal with the problem of Iraq, but even during the most difficult period of our political tensions, many relationships were working well every day, and cooperation on a host of global issues was proceeding normally. Our vast, diverse, and successful commercial relationship greatly benefits France and the United States. Other excellent relationships, such as our military to military cooperation, our intelligence services, the treasury and legal authorities working to freeze terrorists’ financial assets, tax authorities, drug enforcement services, educational and cultural exchanges, all continued to work well. Our common interests, as well as our common values and goals, help us to work together and remain friends, as we have been for 227 years.

 

T.D.L.: Apart from the Joint Strike Fighter, what are other examples of European-American scientific and technological cooperation?

 

H.E.H.H.L.: The U.S. and the European Union have a strong tradition of cooperation in science and technology which takes place at many levels and involves government agencies, commercial enterprises, academic institutions, and professional societies, as well as individual scientists and students. In October 2004, the United States and the European Union signed a five-year renewal of their « Agreement for Scientific and Technological Cooperation. » This, and other similar agreements serve as the legal umbrella under which U.S. and European scientists from universities, industry and government agencies undertake cooperative research in areas as diverse as climate change and the hydrogen economy, earthquake engineering and disaster mitigation, endocrine disrupters, aging, children’s health, energy, space, biotechnology, bioethics, food safety, vaccines, and infectious diseases.

Many science-focused U.S. government agencies including the National Science Foundation, NASA, the U.S. Departments of Energy and Agriculture, the National Institute of Standards and Technology, and the U.S. Geodetic Survey have major research arrangements with the EU under the Scientific and Technological Agreement.  

In addition to U.S. cooperation with the EU, France is one of our closest collaborators on a variety of scientific and technological energy projects. Our scientists are working together to develop a new generation of nuclear reactors, new methods to capture and store fossil fuel emissions, and new technologies and the support structure to move societies toward a cleaner, hydrogen-energy based economy.

Even among our next generation of future French and American scientists, there is cooperation under the auspices of NASA’s GLOBE Program. GLOBE is a worldwide science and education program that focuses on primary and secondary level schools. Students of member schools take scientific measurements of atmosphere, water, soils, and land cover in line with their local curricula, and then share this information on the Internet with schools in other countries that are working on similar projects. In February, students of the Collège Cantelande, from the Bordeaux suburb of Cestas, and a school in Virginia conducted a joint teleconference on the subject of their recent science experiments.

 

T.D.L.: On May 8, 2005 the Allies will commemorate the 60th anniversary of the victory over Nazi Germany. What is the heritage left today in the U.S. as well as in Europe of the American participation in the war to liberate Europe?

 

H.E.H.H.L.: Thousands of French citizens and hundreds of American veterans came together again over the course of the last year to commemorate the 1944-45 march of the liberators across France. The ceremonies in countless French cities and towns show that neither French nor Americans have forgotten the sacrifices and the common front in one of the great struggles for freedom. It is essential that we continue our efforts to educate our young people so that this important heritage is kept alive for them.

Europe and the U.S. have stood side by side for over two hundred years to face some of the great challenges of history. Together we opposed totalitarian ideologies and united this continent through the force of our democratic values. Each year we mark, together, the milestones of freedom from D-Day to the liberation of the death camps, to the victories of conscience in 1989. But our alliance is founded on more than nostalgia. Though it is certainly the heritage of our cooperation in difficult times, it is also the pillar of our security.

 

T.D.L.: If we take into consideration the changes in the geopolitical landscape, how do you see NATO enlargement in central Europe? How will the Atlantic Alliance and Europe, which aspires to greater military independence, evolve? What role can the EU play alongside the U.S. in contributing to international stability?

 

H.E.H.H.L.: At the meeting of NATO’s Defense Ministers in Nice in February, Secretary Donald Rumsfeld praised NATO, saying that “There have been times when it was predicted by the all-knowing pundits that the Atlantic Alliance would crumble, that it would become irrelevant, that it was history. And that is surely what our enemies have wished for. They know that divisions and differences aid their cause. But we know that our collective security depends on our cooperation and mutual respect and understanding.”

Today, among NATO’s 26 members are nine former Warsaw Pact countries, whose citizens retain the vivid memory of living under Soviet tyranny. Having known the loss of freedom, they value it all the more, and they sought the responsibilities of NATO membership in order to guarantee their security. Their experiences contribute to the fresh outlook and vitality of the Alliance.

NATO has been our mutual guarantor of transatlantic security since its creation in 1949. The past few years have seen the Alliance reorient itself to meet the challenges of 21st century security threats, many of which emanate from outside of Europe’s traditional geographic borders and which are different from and deadlier than the threats of the past. NATO leads the International Security Assistance Force in Afghanistan, and engages in security cooperation with seven countries from North Africa and the Middle East through the Mediterranean Dialogue.

At NATO’s Istanbul summit in June 2004, President Bush proposed that NATO undertake a collective training mission in Iraq. Each member of the alliance has now pledged some type of support for the NATO training mission.   France and Germany have declined to send forces into the country for training, but have agreed to train Iraqi security forces outside the country. They are contributing to the three NATO trust funds that have been established to finance training, equipment and transportation for the Iraqi military. This marks a full commitment from NATO nations to support Iraqi training efforts.

The European Union has a vital role to play in European defense. The United States has long supported a European security and defense entity in cooperation with NATO. The EU and NATO are in fact working cooperatively in the Balkans, where the EU assumed the police mission in Bosnia in December 2004 after NATO terminated its SFOR operations there. Meanwhile, in Kosovo, where the situation remains more volatile, NATO peacekeepers continue their KFOR Mission.

 

H.E.H.H.L.: The U.S. and the European Union have a strong tradition of cooperation in science and technology which takes place at many levels and involves government agencies, commercial enterprises, academic institutions, and professional societies, as well as individual scientists and students. In October 2004, the United States and the European Union signed a five-year renewal of their « Agreement for Scientific and Technological Cooperation. » This, and other similar agreements serve as the legal umbrella under which U.S. and European scientists from universities, industry and government agencies undertake cooperative research in areas as diverse as climate change and the hydrogen economy, earthquake engineering and disaster mitigation, endocrine disrupters, aging, children’s health, energy, space, biotechnology, bioethics, food safety, vaccines, and infectious diseases.

Many science-focused U.S. government agencies including the National Science Foundation, NASA, the U.S. Departments of Energy and Agriculture, the National Institute of Standards and Technology, and the U.S. Geodetic Survey have major research arrangements with the EU under the Scientific and Technological Agreement.  

In addition to U.S. cooperation with the EU, France is one of our closest collaborators on a variety of scientific and technological energy projects. Our scientists are working together to develop a new generation of nuclear reactors, new methods to capture and store fossil fuel emissions, and new technologies and the support structure to move societies toward a cleaner, hydrogen-energy based economy.

Even among our next generation of future French and American scientists, there is cooperation under the auspices of NASA’s GLOBE Program. GLOBE is a worldwide science and education program that focuses on primary and secondary level schools. Students of member schools take scientific measurements of atmosphere, water, soils, and land cover in line with their local curricula, and then share this information on the Internet with schools in other countries that are working on similar projects. In February, students of the Collège Cantelande, from the Bordeaux suburb of Cestas, and a school in Virginia conducted a joint teleconference on the subject of their recent science experiments.

 

T.D.L.: On May 8, 2005 the Allies will commemorate the 60th anniversary of the victory over Nazi Germany. What is the heritage left today in the U.S. as well as in Europe of the American participation in the war to liberate Europe?

 

H.E.H.H.L.: Thousands of French citizens and hundreds of American veterans came together again over the course of the last year to commemorate the 1944-45 march of the liberators across France. The ceremonies in countless French cities and towns show that neither French nor Americans have forgotten the sacrifices and the common front in one of the great struggles for freedom. It is essential that we continue our efforts to educate our young people so that this important heritage is kept alive for them.

Europe and the U.S. have stood side by side for over two hundred years to face some of the great challenges of history. Together we opposed totalitarian ideologies and united this continent through the force of our democratic values. Each year we mark, together, the milestones of freedom from D-Day to the liberation of the death camps, to the victories of conscience in 1989. But our alliance is founded on more than nostalgia. Though it is certainly the heritage of our cooperation in difficult times, it is also the pillar of our security.

 

T.D.L.: If we take into consideration the changes in the geopolitical landscape, how do you see NATO enlargement in central Europe? How will the Atlantic Alliance and Europe, which aspires to greater military independence, evolve? What role can the EU play alongside the U.S. in contributing to international stability?

 

H.E.H.H.L.: At the meeting of NATO’s Defense Ministers in Nice in February, Secretary Donald Rumsfeld praised NATO, saying that “There have been times when it was predicted by the all-knowing pundits that the Atlantic Alliance would crumble, that it would become irrelevant, that it was history. And that is surely what our enemies have wished for. They know that divisions and differences aid their cause. But we know that our collective security depends on our cooperation and mutual respect and understanding.”

Today, among NATO’s 26 members are nine former Warsaw Pact countries, whose citizens retain the vivid memory of living under Soviet tyranny. Having known the loss of freedom, they value it all the more, and they sought the responsibilities of NATO membership in order to guarantee their security. Their experiences contribute to the fresh outlook and vitality of the Alliance.

NATO has been our mutual guarantor of transatlantic security since its creation in 1949. The past few years have seen the Alliance reorient itself to meet the challenges of 21st century security threats, many of which emanate from outside of Europe’s traditional geographic borders and which are different from and deadlier than the threats of the past. NATO leads the International Security Assistance Force in Afghanistan, and engages in security cooperation with seven countries from North Africa and the Middle East through the Mediterranean Dialogue.

At NATO’s Istanbul summit in June 2004, President Bush proposed that NATO undertake a collective training mission in Iraq. Each member of the alliance has now pledged some type of support for the NATO training mission.   France and Germany have declined to send forces into the country for training, but have agreed to train Iraqi security forces outside the country. They are contributing to the three NATO trust funds that have been established to finance training, equipment and transportation for the Iraqi military. This marks a full commitment from NATO nations to support Iraqi training efforts.

The European Union has a vital role to play in European defense. The United States has long supported a European security and defense entity in cooperation with NATO. The EU and NATO are in fact working cooperatively in the Balkans, where the EU assumed the police mission in Bosnia in December 2004 after NATO terminated its SFOR operations there. Meanwhile, in Kosovo, where the situation remains more volatile, NATO peacekeepers continue their KFOR Mission.

 

 

H.E.H.H.L.: The U.S. and the European Union have a strong tradition of cooperation in science and technology which takes place at many levels and involves government agencies, commercial enterprises, academic institutions, and professional societies, as well as individual scientists and students. In October 2004, the United States and the European Union signed a five-year renewal of their « Agreement for Scientific and Technological Cooperation. » This, and other similar agreements serve as the legal umbrella under which U.S. and European scientists from universities, industry and government agencies undertake cooperative research in areas as diverse as climate change and the hydrogen economy, earthquake engineering and disaster mitigation, endocrine disrupters, aging, children’s health, energy, space, biotechnology, bioethics, food safety, vaccines, and infectious diseases.

Many science-focused U.S. government agencies including the National Science Foundation, NASA, the U.S. Departments of Energy and Agriculture, the National Institute of Standards and Technology, and the U.S. Geodetic Survey have major research arrangements with the EU under the Scientific and Technological Agreement.  

In addition to U.S. cooperation with the EU, France is one of our closest collaborators on a variety of scientific and technological energy projects. Our scientists are working together to develop a new generation of nuclear reactors, new methods to capture and store fossil fuel emissions, and new technologies and the support structure to move societies toward a cleaner, hydrogen-energy based economy.

Even among our next generation of future French and American scientists, there is cooperation under the auspices of NASA’s GLOBE Program. GLOBE is a worldwide science and education program that focuses on primary and secondary level schools. Students of member schools take scientific measurements of atmosphere, water, soils, and land cover in line with their local curricula, and then share this information on the Internet with schools in other countries that are working on similar projects. In February, students of the Collège Cantelande, from the Bordeaux suburb of Cestas, and a school in Virginia conducted a joint teleconference on the subject of their recent science experiments.

 

T.D.L.: On May 8, 2005 the Allies will commemorate the 60th anniversary of the victory over Nazi Germany. What is the heritage left today in the U.S. as well as in Europe of the American participation in the war to liberate Europe?

 

H.E.H.H.L.: Thousands of French citizens and hundreds of American veterans came together again over the course of the last year to commemorate the 1944-45 march of the liberators across France. The ceremonies in countless French cities and towns show that neither French nor Americans have forgotten the sacrifices and the common front in one of the great struggles for freedom. It is essential that we continue our efforts to educate our young people so that this important heritage is kept alive for them.

Europe and the U.S. have stood side by side for over two hundred years to face some of the great challenges of history. Together we opposed totalitarian ideologies and united this continent through the force of our democratic values. Each year we mark, together, the milestones of freedom from D-Day to the liberation of the death camps, to the victories of conscience in 1989. But our alliance is founded on more than nostalgia. Though it is certainly the heritage of our cooperation in difficult times, it is also the pillar of our security.

 

T.D.L.: If we take into consideration the changes in the geopolitical landscape, how do you see NATO enlargement in central Europe? How will the Atlantic Alliance and Europe, which aspires to greater military independence, evolve? What role can the EU play alongside the U.S. in contributing to international stability?

 

H.E.H.H.L.: At the meeting of NATO’s Defense Ministers in Nice in February, Secretary Donald Rumsfeld praised NATO, saying that “There have been times when it was predicted by the all-knowing pundits that the Atlantic Alliance would crumble, that it would become irrelevant, that it was history. And that is surely what our enemies have wished for. They know that divisions and differences aid their cause. But we know that our collective security depends on our cooperation and mutual respect and understanding.”

Today, among NATO’s 26 members are nine former Warsaw Pact countries, whose citizens retain the vivid memory of living under Soviet tyranny. Having known the loss of freedom, they value it all the more, and they sought the responsibilities of NATO membership in order to guarantee their security. Their experiences contribute to the fresh outlook and vitality of the Alliance.

NATO has been our mutual guarantor of transatlantic security since its creation in 1949. The past few years have seen the Alliance reorient itself to meet the challenges of 21st century security threats, many of which emanate from outside of Europe’s traditional geographic borders and which are different from and deadlier than the threats of the past. NATO leads the International Security Assistance Force in Afghanistan, and engages in security cooperation with seven countries from North Africa and the Middle East through the Mediterranean Dialogue.

At NATO’s Istanbul summit in June 2004, President Bush proposed that NATO undertake a collective training mission in Iraq. Each member of the alliance has now pledged some type of support for the NATO training mission.   France and Germany have declined to send forces into the country for training, but have agreed to train Iraqi security forces outside the country. They are contributing to the three NATO trust funds that have been established to finance training, equipment and transportation for the Iraqi military. This marks a full commitment from NATO nations to support Iraqi training efforts.

The European Union has a vital role to play in European defense. The United States has long supported a European security and defense entity in cooperation with NATO. The EU and NATO are in fact working cooperatively in the Balkans, where the EU assumed the police mission in Bosnia in December 2004 after NATO terminated its SFOR operations there. Meanwhile, in Kosovo, where the situation remains more volatile, NATO peacekeepers continue their KFOR Mission.

 

 

H.E.H.H.L.: The U.S. and the European Union have a strong tradition of cooperation in science and technology which takes place at many levels and involves government agencies, commercial enterprises, academic institutions, and professional societies, as well as individual scientists and students. In October 2004, the United States and the European Union signed a five-year renewal of their « Agreement for Scientific and Technological Cooperation. » This, and other similar agreements serve as the legal umbrella under which U.S. and European scientists from universities, industry and government agencies undertake cooperative research in areas as diverse as climate change and the hydrogen economy, earthquake engineering and disaster mitigation, endocrine disrupters, aging, children’s health, energy, space, biotechnology, bioethics, food safety, vaccines, and infectious diseases.

Many science-focused U.S. government agencies including the National Science Foundation, NASA, the U.S. Departments of Energy and Agriculture, the National Institute of Standards and Technology, and the U.S. Geodetic Survey have major research arrangements with the EU under the Scientific and Technological Agreement.  

In addition to U.S. cooperation with the EU, France is one of our closest collaborators on a variety of scientific and technological energy projects. Our scientists are working together to develop a new generation of nuclear reactors, new methods to capture and store fossil fuel emissions, and new technologies and the support structure to move societies toward a cleaner, hydrogen-energy based economy.

Even among our next generation of future French and American scientists, there is cooperation under the auspices of NASA’s GLOBE Program. GLOBE is a worldwide science and education program that focuses on primary and secondary level schools. Students of member schools take scientific measurements of atmosphere, water, soils, and land cover in line with their local curricula, and then share this information on the Internet with schools in other countries that are working on similar projects. In February, students of the Collège Cantelande, from the Bordeaux suburb of Cestas, and a school in Virginia conducted a joint teleconference on the subject of their recent science experiments.

 

T.D.L.: On May 8, 2005 the Allies will commemorate the 60th anniversary of the victory over Nazi Germany. What is the heritage left today in the U.S. as well as in Europe of the American participation in the war to liberate Europe?

 

H.E.H.H.L.: Thousands of French citizens and hundreds of American veterans came together again over the course of the last year to commemorate the 1944-45 march of the liberators across France. The ceremonies in countless French cities and towns show that neither French nor Americans have forgotten the sacrifices and the common front in one of the great struggles for freedom. It is essential that we continue our efforts to educate our young people so that this important heritage is kept alive for them.

Europe and the U.S. have stood side by side for over two hundred years to face some of the great challenges of history. Together we opposed totalitarian ideologies and united this continent through the force of our democratic values. Each year we mark, together, the milestones of freedom from D-Day to the liberation of the death camps, to the victories of conscience in 1989. But our alliance is founded on more than nostalgia. Though it is certainly the heritage of our cooperation in difficult times, it is also the pillar of our security.

 

T.D.L.: If we take into consideration the changes in the geopolitical landscape, how do you see NATO enlargement in central Europe? How will the Atlantic Alliance and Europe, which aspires to greater military independence, evolve? What role can the EU play alongside the U.S. in contributing to international stability?

 

H.E.H.H.L.: At the meeting of NATO’s Defense Ministers in Nice in February, Secretary Donald Rumsfeld praised NATO, saying that “There have been times when it was predicted by the all-knowing pundits that the Atlantic Alliance would crumble, that it would become irrelevant, that it was history. And that is surely what our enemies have wished for. They know that divisions and differences aid their cause. But we know that our collective security depends on our cooperation and mutual respect and understanding.”

Today, among NATO’s 26 members are nine former Warsaw Pact countries, whose citizens retain the vivid memory of living under Soviet tyranny. Having known the loss of freedom, they value it all the more, and they sought the responsibilities of NATO membership in order to guarantee their security. Their experiences contribute to the fresh outlook and vitality of the Alliance.

NATO has been our mutual guarantor of transatlantic security since its creation in 1949. The past few years have seen the Alliance reorient itself to meet the challenges of 21st century security threats, many of which emanate from outside of Europe’s traditional geographic borders and which are different from and deadlier than the threats of the past. NATO leads the International Security Assistance Force in Afghanistan, and engages in security cooperation with seven countries from North Africa and the Middle East through the Mediterranean Dialogue.

At NATO’s Istanbul summit in June 2004, President Bush proposed that NATO undertake a collective training mission in Iraq. Each member of the alliance has now pledged some type of support for the NATO training mission.   France and Germany have declined to send forces into the country for training, but have agreed to train Iraqi security forces outside the country. They are contributing to the three NATO trust funds that have been established to finance training, equipment and transportation for the Iraqi military. This marks a full commitment from NATO nations to support Iraqi training efforts.

The European Union has a vital role to play in European defense. The United States has long supported a European security and defense entity in cooperation with NATO. The EU and NATO are in fact working cooperatively in the Balkans, where the EU assumed the police mission in Bosnia in December 2004 after NATO terminated its SFOR operations there. Meanwhile, in Kosovo, where the situation remains more volatile, NATO peacekeepers continue their KFOR Mission.

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